Syntactic licensing of noun phrases and the morphological realization of case have been held to be connected, if more and more tenuously. In this short paper, I demonstrate that even that tenuous connection is not justified, and that questions of NP licensing need to be examined from a new perspective. Further evidence from Icelandic seems to force the conclusion that “structural” nominative (and its corresponding reflex of verbal agreement) must be available in more than one syntactic position, suggesting that the main motivation for movement of NPs high in the clause is a completely separate licensing mechanism. I suggest that the movement is motivated by the Extended Projection Principle – the notion that clauses must have a “subject”.